A. Background of Study
Study of relation between ‘ulama and state in Muslim countries like
The relation between ‘ulama and state in
MUI established in 1975 on the inisiative of President Soeharto[3]. The asumption that MUI formed on the President inisiative according to somes MUI officials could not fully justified. Kafrawi Ridwan, for instance, the former Secretary General that involved much in the establishment of MUI said that the idea comes also from the Muslim community themselves about the need to a body for establishing communication bridge between them and government. Thus, he asserted that the MUI constitutes a government's will as well as umma.
The efforts toward establishment MUI actually were not done easily and shortly, but it need long time. In this regard, the role of Mukti Ali, the former Minister of Religious Affairs, was very important. He was who made many approachs to the ‘ulama, actively visited to many pesantren, Islamic mass organizations and others concerrned, in order to socialize the notion about the importance of the relation between ‘ulama and state for sake of supporting development.[4]
By his ability and broad knowledge, Mukti Ali succesfully satisfied the ‘ulama. He, for instance, emphasized the importance of religion in Indonesian country and government directions toward pesantren and Islamic schools, so that they were interested. Then Mukti Ali asked them to be so called "heaven technocrat" (teknokrat samawy) in order to participate in the development.
In addition, prior to establishment of MUI, there were several ‘Ulama Councils in some provinces, such as West Java,
Thus, the establishment of MUI closely related to the momentum of national development lauched greatly by the New Order government. President Soeharto, in his speech at the closing ceremony of The Workshop on Mubalig all over Indoneesia, for example, stated a significance of an 'Ulama Council Organization at national level to respond the challenges and needs of the development. According to him, to develop a community is impossible without a unity. Hence, the disunited community, especially the umma, could not develop at all.[7]
On the other hand, the establishment of MUI can be regarded as an alternative for the government to get communication access to Islamic community.[8] It has a close relation to the political policies of the government toward umma, in particular the political Islam. The government seems to be alergi dan trauma to the political Islam who oftenly deemed as a radicalist in voicing their aspirations. The stigmaitation that discredited Islam inevitably flourished. However, the government can not fully leave the Islam, at least to increasingly strengthen its legitimation. It is in this contex that the MUI be an appropriate alternative.[9]
The strong of political nuance of the establishment of MUI greatly impact on the existence and roles of this’ulama organization. Besides that, practically almost of the activities of it, including its officials fully financed by the goverment.[10] As a consequence, they can not do much in the benefit of umma, and sometimes they serves as a stamp of government policies, however is oftenly rejected by most of its officials.[11]
Moreover, the government of New Order tends to be authoritarian and hegemonic regime in all aspects of society life. This reality makes more difficult for the MUI position. The genuine role of the ‘ulama as communicator of umma aspiration in turn defeated by new role of them as communicator of goverment. “Government ‘ulama”[12] then become inevitably a trade mark of them, a label that actually denote pejoratively.
Therefore, the relation between ‘ulama and state in New Orde period tend to be subordinative. It means that those ‘ulama involved in such this institution are subjected to the lines of government policies. In other words, the interest of ‘ulama in this contex is cooptated by the interest of goverment. It is not suprisingly that those Muslims who are very critical to the goverment, since the early stated that the iniatiation of ‘ulama into the power could not serve much for the sake of umma.
As far as the phenomenon of relation between ‘ulama and state is concerned, we knew that it is not the new one in the history of Islam, even it can be traced back to early phase of Islam in the leadership of the Prophet Muhammad. But there are a clear difference between this kind of relation in the period of Prophet and The Guidely Right Chaliphs and the next Chalips, even until today.
In the period of Prophet and The Guidely Right Chaliphs, the relation between both can not be separated each other. This particularly true because the label of ‘ulama and political leader (umara) gathered in the same time at the Prophet and The Guidely Right Chaliphs.[13] We did not find the clear separation in that time between religion that now understood as the authoritical area of ‘ulama, dan politic that considered as the authoritical area of goverment.
As Fachry Ali pointed out, such condition likely took placed when the religio-politic structure within the social-politic structure of a community (community of
However, in the next caliphal, Umayyad, Abbasid and so on, the relation between ‘ulama and state did not follow that model any more. There was a shift in the relational pattern between both due to the fundamental change concerning the existence of caliphate itself. As we knew that the the system of government at that time has changed to be a monarchy by designating of the caliphs children as the successors of their parents. So, the Umayyad and Abbasid caliphate became a dinasty, like all the dinasties all over the world. In such conditions, the persons who occupied the government offices, from caliphates to their subordinates, not those who have the qualifications of ‘ulama any more, but the politicions who thought and acted only to get and strengthen the power.
In the history of relation between ‘ulama and state, the ‘ulama divided into two type.[15] First, the formal ‘ulama (al’ulama ar-rasmiyun) and second, the independent ‘ulama (al-‘ulama al-mustaqillun). The former are those who involved and subjected to the power of a bureaucratization. They receive salaries and other materials from government. As a consequence, they lost independence, authority and influence in the eyes of umma. On the contrary, the independent ‘ulama are those who did not want to involve in it. They were whom in the period of Mustapa Kemal Attaturk –when launched his secularization program—be the subject of oppression and torture.
It seems that the first type of ‘ulama has its relevance to those who involved in the MUI. The officials of this organization receive the salaries although not in the direct form and other facilities from government. As may be expected, that their influence and authority falls drastically in the eyes of Indonesian umma.
However, in the era of reformation marked by the falling of President Soeharto, the MUI shows significant changes in almost part of this organization. They begin to review its existence and function to be evaluated. Then, come into existence what is called “new paradigm” of MUI as guideline for all steps and actions of it, including its relation with the goverment. This new paradigm in turn provides a new pattern of the relation between ‘ulama in one hand, and state in other. In this regard, the study of ’Ulama and State : Study of Relation between ‘Ulama and State in Indonesian Post-New Order is very interesting.
To make clear, it is important to formulate several questions concerning this matter. That is, what changes did the MUI do during period of reformation, both internally and externally? Are these changes significant enough to the relation pattern between MUI and state? What are the factors that give many influences to these changes?
B. Theoritical Framework
The theories used in this study are: Firstly, civil society. There are several definitions of civil society, but the relevant to this study is one that defines civil society as “Social life areas organized and characterized by among others: voluntary, self-generating, self-supporting, independence vis-à-vis state, and bounding with the norms or law values followed by its citizens".[16]
From this perspective, civil society actually exists in various institution among community beyond the state influences. The voluntary institutions, mass media, schools, political parties, until the organizations established firstly by government but serve for society. In this sense, then the MUI that established firstly by active involvement of state, can be defined too as a manifestation of civil society.
However, it is important to note that not all these institutions have a high authonomy or indenpence vis-à-vis the state. Therefore, the condition of civil society in its history must be understood as a process which undertakes a progress or setback.[17] This is the case of MUI. In the period of New Order, for instance, this 'ulama organization had many difficulties and troubles to keep apart from the government intervention. This reflected ini some attitudes, statements and fatwas issued by MUI that along with the government guidelines.
There is also meaning of civil society from Alexis de Tocquiville that suits to this study. It based on democracy experiences in
This model of civil society closely relevant to the case of MUI in reformation era. This is because, MUI with its historical burden has not pretention to be anti-thesis of state. On the contrary, MUI is expected only to broad the function of balancing force and reflective force among the umma.
Secondly, theory of corporatism. This theory firstly introduced by Philipe Schmitter. He stated that corporatism is a multiple effort to associate the state to to the society called statization of various activities of mass organizations, and privatization of several state affairs.[19]
This theory is relevant enough to relational pattern of MUI and state. As we knew that the New Order regime did any effort to consolidate and strengthen state position vis-à-vis society. One of these efforts is state corporatism. So, there were many mass organizations that actually brought the government ambitions. To say a few example, National Committee of Indonesian Youth for the youth people affairs, Sport Committee of Indonesia for sport affairs, of course ‘Ulama Council of Indonesia for religious affairs.
Thirdly, the theory that will used for this study is critical discourse analysis.[20] This theory emphasizes on the constelation of strength happening in the production process and meaning reproduction. It seems to be relevant to look at the significant changes by MUI, particularly the textual ones. To give an example, the change about the Statutes of MUI involves many sentences change, both omitted or substituted by new sentences. According to this theory, the change of sentence or text not only refers to the truth linguistically an sich, but has certain meanings beyond the texts, or may be said contains ideological content. This is because, a text never free from the ideology and has ability to manipulate the reader toward an ideology.[21]
There are a lot of model of critical discourse analysis theory, perhaps the suitable one to this study is the model from Teun A. van Dijk. The critical discourse analysis of this model has several elements: sometings as a theme or main idea called macro structure; how the scheme or the statements are constructed called superstructure; what is the meaning of the messages conveyed called micro structure; the meaning coming from the interrelation between sentences called semantic; and a diction or choosing of words called stylistic. These elements of critical discourse analysis will be used in analyzing, particularly the statements or recommendations issued by MUI during the reformation era. Of course, not all of these elements will be used.
From what described aboved, it seems that there is an determinant factor influencing on the changes by MUI in reformation era in term of its relation with the goverment. That is, political system change after falling of New Order regime. This factor would be an independent variable in this research. Meanwhile the relation of MUI and the goverment as a dependent variable.
Both variable can be explained as following:
First, the variable of political system change post-New Order. This means that there is a political liberalization which the citizens are given the freedom to express their aspiration so that come into existence a large number of political parties in
C. Method of Research
C. 1. Type of Research
This research is qualitative. The qualitative method is a research procedure resulting in severals descriptive data, both written or oral of persons or observed behaviours. Here, the individu or organization must be regarded as part of whole.[22]
C. 2. Technique of Collecting Data.
The collecting of data is done through following steps:
a. Document analysis: in this step, the researcher analizes the available data, that is, the new Pedoman Dasar dan Pedoman Rumah Tangga (PD/PRT) of MUI; the statements or recommendations of MUI during reformation era; and also magazines, journals, or other relevant researchs.
- Interview: in this step, the researcher interviews some of MUI officials.
- Unstructured observation: here, the researcher observes directly but unstructured by observing various developments concerning this 'ulama organization.
C. 3. Technique of Analyzing Data
The data attained such as documents or result of interview will be analized through critical discourse analysis as mentioned above. It emphasizes more on interpretations, since by the interpretation one can understand the inside world, deeply understand texts and discover the meaning behind it.[23]
In such research, one can not avoid of subjectivity. When interpretating a text, the experience, cultural background of reseacher, education, political afiliation, even partiality gives impact on interpretation.[24] Therefore, the different researcher may ahieve the different discovery and interpretation.
The quality of research of this kind not measured by validity (do the research really measure what to be measured or known) and reliability (do the research with the same instrumen will produce the same results if done by different person, place and time). But, it will be judged a good or bad one, depends on how well this research pay attention to social, economical, political contexts, and the other comprehensive anayisis.
Because this research is qualitative, the analysis has been done since the early collecting of. In each stage, the documentations or results of interview and observation are organized into certain category, then interpretated so that the background of MUI changes in reformation era and its influences on the relation pattern of MUI and state can be described well.
C.4. Unit of Analysis
The first unit of analysis the dokument of the changes mady by MUI in reformation era, like the Statutes that introduced a new paradigm, and some statements and recommendations issued in this period. At a level of text, these various changes are analyzed. And at a level of process, it focuses on the backlground and setting of why these change took place.
The second unit of analysis is the key person through an interview Those who are interviewed are the main MUI officials such as Din Syamsuddin (a Secretary General), Umar Syihab (Chief person, H. Amidhan (Chief person), and H.A. Nazri Adlani (Chief person). Those persons are considered know much about all the changes made by MUI in this period.
D. The Result of Research
The results found in the field demonstrate that MUI has did many changes both internally and externally. These changes were influenced much by the change of political system in
As a results, the Indonesian people now enter into new era. Many said it as a reformation era, although there are a few scholars who did not agree with it. Among the indicators of the reformation era is the emergence of political liberalization which to great extent provides the freedom to the citizen; freedom for speech, freedom for critic, freedom for gathering and so on.[26]
And this phenomenon finally brought about the flourishing of political parties. Among those emerging political parties are the socially Islamic origine. As the continuation of that social origine, as could be expected, we found the party that asserted as Islamic party. This especially true in a symbol and base of the party such as PBB and PKS. But we found also that parties that did not need to express it as the Islamic parties, although the public considered them as the Islamic ones. Including such a party are PKB and PAN.[27]
As the late Kuntowijoyo pointed out, there were ony 11 parties that clearly expressed its Islamic bases. These parties regarded that the only manifestation for Islam in political area is Islam as an ideology. And the notion of Islam as an ideology can be traced back to SI and Masyumi.[28]
The emergence of the socially Islamic origine parties at the national political constelation brought several questions, not only from outside Islam but form within Islam itself. All the questions are addressing on a heading that the political Islam has came back, while the cultural one was left.[29] Some regarded it as a repolitization of Islam. And another said that this phenomenon form a revivalism of political Islam.[30]
Regardless of this political situation and its judgment that commonly pejorative, if wee see from the civil society perspective, no doubt that we found –in Indonesian reformation era—a free space which gives any individual person or organization to express their aspiration without any fear or oppression from any body or state. And within this political atmosphere that the MUI shows a new performance concerning its relation to the state. This change, according to Din Syamsuddin –a general secretary of MUI—constitute a part of MUI responds to the socio-political development in the reformation era.[31] MUI begins, for instance, to point out the criticism and independence vis-à-vis state.
But this tendency does not mean that MUI wants to be an anti-thesis force vis-à-vis state, but it only plays a function of balancing force. In other words, this organization merely wants to be taken into consideration or consulted by government when faced with a large numbers of problems of umma. And in the same time, it really to play a main role among the umma as the best example (uswah hasanah) in spreading Islamic values; peace co-existence, tolerance, respecting each other etc. [32] And this reflects another function of civil society, that is, reflective force.
We can find other new tendency of MUI in several substantial changes in the Statutes of MUI known as “new paradigm”.[33] Here we will find, for instance, many redactional changes in the Statutes and its significant meaning and reasons. The sentences such as “…in order to realize a stable national defence…”, or “…to realize a welfare and just society based on Pancasila” are omitted. And the substitutions are “…in order to realize masyarakat madani (civil society) that emphasize the values of equality, justice and democracy. And Pancasila as a base of this organization was also substituted by Islam.[34]
If we analyze from the critical discourse analysis theory, that redactional changes made by MUI not without reason. As this theory pinted out, the change of sentence or text not only refers to the truth linguistically an sich, but has certain meanings beyond the texts, or may be said contains ideological content, the MUI option of masyarakat madani rather than civil society as well as Islam rather than Pancasila clearly has religious (Islam) tendency. It means, here, that this organization has not any fear to express its Islamic tendency.
And we find also the same tendency in the statements or recommendations issued by MUI in many cases, among other things, the statements on the riot in Halmahera, Ambon, Maluku; the statements on United States aggression to Afghanistan following the bombing of WTC building in New York, Septembre 11, 2001; statementes on Israel aggression to Yaser Arafat headquater in Ramallah, Palestine; and statements on United States aggression on Irak.
Here, again, MUI uses many bare sentences particularly if compare it to the its statements in New Order period. In the case of Maluku riot, for example, we found the sentences, such as “…the government has to do seriously and concretely to settle the Maluku riot… and reject foreign intervention”. And in the case of
From a macro structure[35] perspective as an element of critical discourse analysis theory, it seems that MUI has great concerns to the problem of justice, humanity and democracy. Regardless to whom these deeds associated, all forms of anti-humanity actions such as aggression, terrorism, bombing, and so on should be condemned or cursed. But MUI called all the parties, in particular
But in the same time, the Islamic tendeny also made MUI hold on partial attitudes toward or what typically called "right wing". Some observers said that it is a sectarian politic tendency. Here, for example, MUI used some tendencious words, such as "jihad fi sabilillah" (fight in the path of Allah) and "kafir harbi" (the unbelievers whom could be fighted) in its statements to the case of Maluku riot. For many, the use of this terms makes some fears because it reminds them to the "Islamic state".
E. Conclusion
As mentioned above, that MUI after falling of New Order regime demonstrates a new patter of its relation to the state. In corresponding with the emergence of politcal liberalization which to great extent provides a free space to each individu or organization, MUI tends to be critical and independent vis-à-vis state. In other words, there were many changes made by it in the reformation era. And this changes are reflected not only in the Statutes of MUI, but also in many statements or recommendations issued concerning many of umma problems in
But in the same time, we found also the other tendency of this organization as voicing the sectarian politic (Islam) at least in the eyes of the Islamphobist, such as the using of terms "jihad fi sablilillah" and "kafir harbi"
Dimuat dalam Jurnal Jauhar, Pascasarjana UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta tahun 2005.
[1] Study of ‘ulama in Indonesia largely emphasizes on their strategic roles among the society in the domain of social, politic, economy, education and so on. Only a litle of it focuses on their roles in the real or practical politic. See, for example, Taufik Abdullah (ed.), Agama dan Perubahan Sosial, Jakarta, Rajawali Pers, 1983; Mahrus Irsyam, ‘ulama dan Partai Politik, Jakarta, Yayasan Perkhidmatan, 1984.
[2]. See, Muhammad Kamal Hasan, Modernisasi Indonesia Respon Cendekiawan Muslim, penerj. Ahmadie Thaha,
[3] See, the interview of Kafrawi Ridwan, “Adanya MUI, Kehendak Pemerintah dan Umma”, Mimbar ‘ulama, N0. 263 Rabiul Awal 1421/Juli 2000, pp. 16-17.
[4] To see further about this matter, see, Muhammad Kamal Hasan, Modernisasi Indonesia Respon Cendekiawan Muslim, Op. Cit., p. 220.
[5] To know about the existence of ‘ulama councils in some districts, see, Badri Yatim, Sejarah Peradaban Islam, Jakarta, PT Raja Grafindo Persada, 2000, Eleventh Edition.
[6] Perhap due to this reason that in this organization there is no instruction line from central MUI to MUI in Provinces, except the coordination line.
[7] See, 20 Tahun Majelis ‘ulama
[8] See, Martin Van Bruinessen, “
[9] In addition to stigmaization in discrediting political Islam, the New Orde goverment also restructured the political parties by fusing them into two big parties; PPP and PDI. Thus, the political Islam can not do much in political area. To know more about it, see, for example, William Liddle, Pemilu-Pemilu Orde Baru Pasang Surut Kekuasaan Politik, Jakarta, LP3ES, 1994, Second Edition, p. 5; Nasir Tamara, “Islam Under the New Order: A Political History”, Prisma, N0. 49, June 1990.
[10] Some of responsible of MUI are members of DPA (now, liquidated), suc as KH. Hasan Basri,
[11] About the apologetical argumentations, see, 20 Tahun Majelis ‘Ulama Indonesia, Op. Cit. , p. 20.
[12] Among the Islamic umma, the government ‘ulama oftenly classified as “‘ulama su’”, the ‘ulama who does perform the goodness due to their subordination to the government.
[13] See, Dr. Said Aqil Siraj, Islam Kebangsaan Fiqh Demokratik Kaum Santri,
[14] See Fachry Ali, “Pasang Surut Peranan Politik ‘Ulama Sebuah Kerangka Hipotesa Struktural, Prisma, No. 4, April 1984, p. 20.
[15] Azyumardi Azra, “MUI: Proses Birokratisasi ‘ulama”, in Menuju Masyarakat Madani Gagasan, Fakta dan Tantangan,
[16] Muhammad AS Hikam, “Civil Society di Indonesia Sekarang dan Masa Mendatang” in Demokrasi dan Civil Society,
[17] Ibid.
[18] Ibid., p. 25.
[19] Ramlan Surbakti, Memahami Ilmu Politik,
[20] Eriyanto, Analisis Wacana Pengantar Analisis Teks Media,
[21] Drs. Alex Sobur, M.si, Analisis Teks Media Suatu Pengantar untuk Analisis Wacana, Analisis Semiotik, dan Analisis Framing, Bandung, PT Remaja Rosda Karya, 2002, Second Edition, p. 60.
[22] Norman K. Denzin and Y.S. Lincoln, “Introduction: Entering the Field of Qualitative Research”, in Norman K. Denzin and Yvonna S. Lincoln (eds), Handbook of Qualitative Research, London, Sage Publications, 1994, p. 25.
[23] Eriyanto, Analisis Wacana Pengantar Analisis Teks Media, Op. Cit., p. 61.
[24] W. Lawrence Newman, Social Research Methods: Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches,
[25] This accident called unpredictble due to the uncertainty of socio-political situation in
[26] A. Dahlan Ranuwihardjo, “Memasuki Abad Kedua Puluh Satu dengan Reformasi Paripurna”, in Tim KAHMI JAYA (eds.), Indonesia di Persimpangan Jalan Reformasi dan Rekonstruksi Pemikiran di Bidang Politik, Sosial, Budaya dan Ekonomi Menjelang Milenium Ketiga, Bandung, Mizan, 1998, Third Edition, p. 27.
[27] Bahtiar Effendy, “Fenomena Partai Islam” in Repolitisasi Islam Pernahkah Islam Berhenti Berpolitik?,
[28] The-11 Islamic political parties are PUI, PKU, New Masyumi Party, PPP, PSII, PSII 1905, Masyumi, PBB, PK, PNU and PPP. See Kuntowijoyo, “Peta Politik Bagi Umat Islam” in Mengapa Partai Islam Kalah? Perjalanan Politik Islam dari Pra-Pemilu 99 sampai Pemilihan Presiden,
[29] Study on political Islam versus cultural Islam done by many political rersearcher. See, for example, Din Syamsuddin, Islam dan Politik Era Orde Baru,
[30] Eef Saefulloh Fatah, “Menuju Format Baru Politik Islam: Membangun Publik dan Oposisi”, in Zaman Kesempatan Agenda-Agenda Besar Demokratisasi Pasca Orde Baru,
[31] Interview with Prof. Dr. Din Syamsuddin in Pusat Dakwah dan
[32] Ibid.
[33] Interview with Drs. H. Amidhan in the office of MUI as Istiqlal Mosque, Septembre 7, 2001.
[34] See, Wawasan dan PD/PRT Majelis Ulama
[35] Eriyanto, Analisis Wacana Pengantar Analisis Teks Media, Op. Cit., p. 5.
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